A Myanmar refugee woman along with her children sits at a bamboo shelter in a refugee camp in Mizoram, India. (Photo credit: Mahmodul Hassan)

A walk around the refugee camps, standing cheek by jowl, along the remote hills of Lawngtlai district in Mizoram, a northeastern state in India, presents a picture of tragic displacement and anger, equally. At one of the camps, women are seen bent over chopping firewood, some carrying bundles of bamboo on their heads, while scores of children roll about in dust and dirt, by a series of crammed temporary bamboo shelters. Men are out to arrange the day's meals. Food is yet to be cooked at the shelters.

These are refugees from Myanmar who have been escaping "Tatmadaw's offensive against civilians" in their country. "They burned down our houses and there were no places for us to live. We were scared for our lives and forced to flee our country. We reached Lawngtlai on foot," said 45-year-old Sanga, a Myanmar refugee, denunciating the Tatmadaw – Myanmar's armed forces.

The influx of thousands of Myanmar refugees to the northeast was propelled by a sudden military coup by Tatmadaw, which began on February 1, 2021, deposing the elected members of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party that reserved victory during the November 2020 general election in Myanmar.

Myanmar's refugee children at a camp in Mizoram's Lawngtlai. (Photo credit: Mahmodul Hassan)

Tatmadaw – led by Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing – deposed and arrested State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, declaring a year-long state of emergency, alleging a charge of voter fraud in the November 2020 general election.

Suu Kyi is still under house arrest while facing secret trials. The ousted Myanmar leader was sentenced to six years in jail for breaching the official secrets act, illegally importing and using walkie-talkies, and sentenced to another five years in prison after a Myanmar court found her guilty of corruption. Suu Kyi has been denying all the accusations.

Ever since the coup, following the Campaign for Civil Disobedience (CDM), Myanmar has been in the thick of pro-democracy protests and agitation against the military junta, with large numbers of civilians joining in. The army often responds to these uprisings with arrests and intimidation.

The agitation has resulted in casualties on both sides, including slaughter of more than a thousand civilians by the military in Myanmar.

As of May 24, 2022, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – an organisation that tracks daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in connection to the coup – 1861 civilians are confirmed killed by the military, followed by 13822 arrests and 1979 warrants. Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) shows that the total number of reported fatalities in Myanmar stands at 17,789, with 2,274 events of violence against civilians.

These events of violence and fear perpetrated by the military has not only created unrest in the country but also compelled many civilians to flee their nation – thousands crossed into the border villages of Northeast India, seeking refuge from the ongoing civil war.

Tuthang and Thimlung -- a couple -- inside a bamboo shelter. (Photo credit: Mahmodul Hassan)

News9 spent a week in Mizoram, vising several camps, to understand the refugee crisis.

"Army threatened to kill us, burned down our houses"

Mizoram's Lawngtlai district, which shares borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh, is now hosting at least 5000 Myanmar refugees since the beginning of the coup. The districts – Saiha, Champai, Lunglei, Aizawl and several others – in the state are hosting around 30,000 Myanmar refugees in total.

Sanga is among the thousands who are sheltering in Lawngtlai. An electrician, he worked for eight years at Matupi in Myanmar's Chin state, which shares a border with Mizoram. He said when the "Burmese Army" took over, they did not flee the country at first. There was unrest in cities and other parts, but they continued with their lives -- going to farms, school, work. But soon enough people in Matupi faced the wrath of the Tatmadaw. The situation was already grim and fearing the worse still, Sanga along with his wife and six children fled Matupi and reached India in October 2021.

"The military came to Matupi and threatened to kill us, asked us not to go to work, schools, even farms, or else we would be shot. When the army started killing people, we decided to flee the country as we were unable to go anywhere," he said.

He recalled the Burmese military burning down houses with children and women inside. Those who managed to escape the army's vigil were scared for their lives and decided to make that long journey to Lawngtlai on foot, sans vehicles or any other mode of transport.

It was an over 100-km-long journey, full of hurdles, in the course of which Sanga's family ran out of money and food. They had to walk through the hilly tracts and cross the flooded Tiau river to eventually reach Lawngtlai.

A refugee woman carries a bundle of bamboo. (Photo credit: Mahmodul Hassan)

"It was the monsoon season, the river was flooded, which made our struggle to reach here even harder. We ran out of basics such as rice. However, when we reached Mizoram and crossed through villages, people helped us with basic grains; it is with their help we were able to reach Lawngtlai," he said.

Around the time Sanga and his family left their habitat, the hill state of Chin, with deep valleys, was already witnessing one of its deadliest days. The same month, Thantlang town, in the west of Chin, witnessed heavy shelling by the armed forces that resulted in the burning of at least 200 houses and two churches in the town.

It is alleged that the forces intentionally torched the houses of civilians. Moreover, in September 2021, similar acts by the military were witnessed, which compelled at least 8000 civilians to vacate the town. In the same month, at least 30 junta soldiers and 14 civilian resistance fighters were killed amid a series of fierce confrontations in different townships in Chin, Sagaing region and the Kayah states.

Reacting to the agitation and "armed resistance" against the junta, its troops continued the "offensive against civilians" while deploying its troops in Chin, Karenni, Karen, Shan, Sagaing and Magwe regions. All these states witnessed major resistance against the military junta.

Fifty-two-year-old Thangzuali, another refugee in Lawngtlai, hopes that their resistance against the junta will be successful someday in the distant future. Thangzuali's three sons participated in mass protests against the military junta in the Chin state, which gave rise to fear and apprehension in the family as the military started a door-to-door search, looking for those who participated in the protests. Thangzuali had no option but to flee to India with her family.

"After the search for protestors, we left our houses and hid in the jungle, to later escape to Mizoram," said Thangzuali. They walked for six days to reach Lawngtlai amid the conflict.

"The condition of the road we took to reach here was very bad. Taking a vehicle service would have cost us 400,000 Burmese Kyats to reach here, which I could not afford. Hence, a nearly week-long walk to reach Mizoram was our only option," she said.

Map showing routes that refugees follow to reach Mizoram's Lawngtlai from Chin State in Myanmar. (Photo credit: Mahmodul Hassan)

Twenty-eight-year-old Anthony Lian (name changed on request) reached Mizoram from Chin, along with his family, in February 2022. Like others, he had also witnessed the army's excesses, which pushed the civilians to hide in a nearby forest.

"We were informed by other villagers that our village would be raided by the armed forces. We were afraid and hid children, women and the elderly in the nearby forest. The youth stayed back and hid in the village to check if the army really came to raid our properties. I saw them. They destroyed everything – all the goods including the solar system and even took our food. And then they left," Anthony recalled.

As the Myanmar refugees poured into India in March 2021, witnessing their delicate condition, locals, civil society organisations, churches and village authorities supported them with food and clothes. They even helped them build temporary shelters in different camps. Eventually, the Mizoram government also offered aid on humanitarian grounds.

Central Young Lai Association (CYLA), an NGO, is one such organisation that helped the refugees with basics. Joseph Lalhmingthanga, general secretary of the NGO and the audit officer of the Lai Autonomous District Council, said that the money the organisation received as donations for refugees was used for their food, shelters and other necessities.

"We have been taking care of their basic needs since their arrival. There are 6000-7000 refugees in our district (Lawngtlai). Initially, the government was not involved; it was just CYLA, the church, and other NGOs and women's organisations that extended help," said Joseph. "Every household contributed clothes, blankets and tarpaulin to build houses. We called it hutlang, which means every youth goes together to build a hut for these refugees. The money from donations were used to purchase rice for them. We are still at it today." He added that communities in Lawngtlai and those living in other bordering areas of Myanmar share the same ancestors as those from the Chin state in Myanmar.

Sanga has started growing paddy on land near the camp, but refugees said they are struggling to arrange vegetables. Electricity is irregular and energy from the solar system lasts for a few hours only.

"When we first arrived in Lawngtlai many people helped us with food, water, even clothes. With the passage of time, that kind of help has reduced. We are struggling -- working every day, cultivating jhum, we are growing paddy and other vegetables here," said Sanga.

Thangzuali agreed with Sanga, as she said, "We were provided with rice and other food items initially. But now we only receive rice. We are arranging the other items somehow."

Many refugees News9 met complained of the lack of proper shelters and access to medication. Several in the camps were suffering from stomach ailments, while children were down with fever.

"We have homes, land and family there, and yet we have to live with difficulties in this camp. There is no proper food, money, shelter or relatives here," said 60-year-old Tuthang. His 57-year-old wife, Thimlung, continued, "I have an issue with my leg, which prevents me from walking properly. I am also suffering from a stomach-related disease."

In this foreign land, their children are also being deprived of education. Two teachers from the church visit the camps in Lawngtlai to teach the children, in the absence of a proper school they can go to.

Rebellion, armed resistance, and support for democracy

With the support from the civilians, scores of militias – People's Defence Force (PDF), local PDFs, Chin National Defence Force, Karenni Nationalities Defence Force and Chinland Defense Force (CDF) – have been continuing fierce armed resistance against the military junta in Myanmar.

CDF – a rebel group founded in April 2021 – is also actively fighting the military junta in Chin and other parts of Myanmar. It has gained enormous support from the Chin state, with many trained civilians becoming a part of the rebel group's operations and fighting against the military junta.

Mang Khai (name changed on request), a rebel fighter with CDF, joined the group in May 2021, a month after it was founded. Mang joined the group to fight the military regime that overthrew their elected government. "Before fighting the Burmese military we went through effective training by the CDF. There are a lot of young fighters like me who are fighting against the military," Mang said.

He asserted that the military was capturing youths in Chinland without any plausible reason, accusing every youth of being a CDF member. Burning down houses, he said, was nothing but a show of the military's power over the civilians. "They want to put fear in our minds by showing they control our lives," he said.

In the course of his many face-offs with the Tatmadaw, Mang noticed crucial differences in strength between the two. "I realised that we have a shortage of arms, our weapons are weaker. They have automated rifles while we are using country-made guns. These are only some of the challenges we face," Mang said.

He came to a refugee camp in Mizoram, given his weak physical condition and also to be a support to his family which is facing a financial crisis. "My health has taken a beating and I am suffering from a stomach-related disease. My wife and kids also need financial support. That's why I am here. As soon as I regain my health and my family's condition becomes good, I will be back fighting," said Mang.

CDF also gets co-operation from the civilians in Chin state, and there is an inter-dependence between the two. As Anthony Lian said -- civilians depend on the CDF to protect them from the army whenever there is a threat, and in return the latter gets all the help needed by the civilian villagers.

Two of the couple Tuthang and Thimlung's six sons have joined CDF, while the two continue to take refuge at a camp in Mizoram. They are teachers by profession. Thuthang had to flee Chin state as the army used to come to their house to enquire if their children were in the CDF.

Tuthang believes that the country was free under Aung San Suu Kyi and he sees no respite from the military junta. "Their government is not good for us. That's why we escaped Myanmar; everyone is here. My children were afraid of the junta's constant scrutiny; they decided to flee and we followed them," said Tuthang. "I want all of Burma to become independent of the Tatmadaw. I believe in Aung San Suu Kyi. She is a people's leader, and under her government people were free," he added.

People struggling in the camps told News9 about their wish to return to their homeland when the unrest is over. "I cannot say when we will be able to go. The army is still active in our area. The jails are full, and if they get us, they will execute us. We want to return to Myanmar in the future, but if the situation remains like this we cannot go back," said Sanga.

He also expressed a desire to participate in the fight against the military junta, which he has to put on hold for now as "I cannot leave my family here and go there to fight; I have to take care of them".

India's silence on atrocities in Myanmar

While the local administration and the Mizoram government have extended support to the refugees on humanitarian grounds, in March 2021, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs wrote to four northeastern states – Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh – that share borders with Myanmar, asking them to act against the illegal influx and abide by law to keep a check on infiltrators at the borders. It had asked agencies to initiate the deportation process following identification of the migrants.

India's home ministry had also noted that both state governments and UTs have no power to authorise "refugee" status as India is not a signatory to the UN Refugee Convention of 1951 and its 1967 Protocol.

The Home Ministry's order received wide condemnation. The Zo Reunification Organisation (ZORO) – an organisation advocating ethnic Zo community – while burning copies of the MHA order in Mizoram's capital Aizawl, termed it as "discriminatory."

In April 2021, Home Minister Amit Shah said that India can provide rations and medicines to Myanmar nationals but it cannot encourage infiltration as it is a matter of national security. Shah also said that the government had spoken to the "government in Myanmar" and asked it to look after its citizens.

Over the last two decades, India and Myanmar's political and economic relations have improved, giving way to infrastructure initiatives, security and even strategic operations that include joint military operations against insurgents within their respective borders in 2019.

India – the third-largest military spender after the US and China – supplied half of its total arms exports to Myanmar during 2017 to 2021, a global report by Stockholm International Peace Research Institute revealed. It made India the third largest arms exporter to Myanmar.

India has not made any public statement on the ongoing conflict and atrocities against civilians in Myanmar. It looked the other way as well, during the backlash against the Rohingyas in the country.

Joseph Lalhmingthanga of the CYLA, however, said that though India does not "recognise these refugees" in public, the central agencies "did not stop them from helping the displaced." He said, "In the beginning, the central government showed the public and the world its cold stance towards the refugees, but in reality, central agencies like the Assam rifles and the police force, have not been an impediment for us. I think the Indian government wants to maintain its relationship with its neighbours, as part of its policies."

Rupa Chinai, a Mumbai-based journalist, who has been writing on the Northeast India for over three decades now, questioned India's silence over the ongoing violence against civilians in Myanmar. She said that it is in India's interest to ensure peace on both sides of the border.

India "cannot be an ostrich" to what is happening on the ground, she asserted. "The Chin, among the most marginalised groups in Myanmar, are facing a lot of state repression leading to an influx into India. If the situation escalates, we will have people flooding into Northeast India, which we cannot afford to have. Every plug needs to be pulled out to talk to Myanmar and urge them to resolve this issue," she said, emphasising that borders need to be safeguarded to keep peace on both sides.

"These people are very similar to those living on our side of the border. It is natural for people in Mizoram and Nagaland to feel deeply for them and what is happening across the border," she said.

India and Thailand, maintained Rupa, are two sources of information on the tribal areas of Myanmar; and that it is in India's interest to keep its ear to the ground and remain abreast of what is happening in these hidden parts of Myanmar.

"How is it in anybody's interest for this kind of gross human rights violation to go on? You do not have to be a confrontationist but you can certainly put pressure on the Myanmar government. I think India can do so much even from our side of the border," she added.

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